Scots Against War, mid 1960s

Extract from article 'The spies who stayed out in the cold', Inside Story magazine no.9, May/June 1973:

Back cover of Inside Story issue no.9 

   During all this time [1963-64] a parallel but completely independent response to the situation in the Committee of 100 had taken place in Scotland. Some Glasgow activists who had attended the Way Ahead conference in February 1963 were impressed by the arguments of Beyond Counting Arses, and developed their ideas in a similar way. 
   The first public indication of this phenomenon was the appearance at the Holy Loch demonstration on 25 May 1963 of a duplicated leaflet called How to disrupt, obstruct and subvert the Warfare State, and signed 'Scots Against War'. This was followed by an irregular series of publications over the next couple of years, aimed at stimulating radical activity in the nuclear disarmament movement.
   This activity was not confined to argument, and sabotage became frequent and widespread from 1963 to 1966. Several fires were started at the Holy Loch and Faslane bases, and many Civil Defence and Army offices all over the country were broken into and often wrecked. Occasionally some individuals were arrested, but the authorities preferred to keep things quiet. Few charges were brought, and only fines were imposed. The Scots Against War group was never broken, but in the end it faded away.
   In June 1966 the Scottish Solidarity group published as its first pamphlet A Way Ahead, which was a collection of the articles on the Scots Against War and the sabotage issue printed in both Scotland and London, with editorial comments. The subtitle was 'For a New Peace Movement', but the pamphlet virtually marked the end of the old one. Nevertheless, the career of the Scots Against War, inspired by the same idea as the Spies for Peace (and frequently in informal contact with them), may be seen as one of the most successful practical assaults on the military system mounted by the whole nuclear disarmament movement.  

"INSIDE STORY was a brave UK South London based underground alternative publication aimed at the counterculture & focusing on political issues alternative living, inside information etc ."

What the C100 and SfP were bothered about.:

Page preceding the 'Spies' article

The nuclear planners envisaged a scenario in which, among other demographic consequences, the number of (internal) refugees after the bomb dropped would exceed the population of Scotland, plus a large chunk of England and Wales. 

The full article can now be seen (images of pages) at http://radicalhistorynetwork.blogspot.com.

Contre les Essais Atomiques Français 1966: Photos and recollections

"Marche de la Paix", an Illustrated Memoir

(partly based on an unpublished account by one of the participants, 30 or so years later)
See also: http://smothpubs.blogspot.co.uk/2014/05/fallout-from-french-nuclear-tests.html

Supposed to have been inscribed
Marche de la Paix 1966

 

The French nuclear tests in the Pacific in 1966 did not lead to much audible outcry on the other side of the Channel. One group which took action was the Committee of 100, diminished and changed since the days of the Trafalgar Square mass sit-downs but still committed to direct action and civil disobedience in the cause of opposing nuclear weapons, whether "capitalist" or "workers'". A protest march was planned, to go from London to Paris in early July, timed to finish on the Champs Elysées on the 14th, Bastille Day. An advertisement was placed in papers like Freedom and Peace News asking for volunteers to take part.

A mighty handful?

Possibly at the start, in London

It was rather short notice for such an undertaking at a difficult time of year, and only a few responded to the call from different parts of the country, including two students from Aberdeen. They arrived in London to meet together with the then secretary of the C100, who was herself a participant as well as organiser. The march set off on a sunny morning, headed for Brighton (the shortest way to the coast) and the Newhaven-Dieppe ferry crossing. Along the way, bystanders - when there were any - contemplated the placards adorned with Polynesian flowers, exotic names (Muroroa) and slogans in French, with the customary stares and occasional comments, generally showing mere curiosity rather than the hostility that Ban-the-Bombers often experienced and expected in south-east England (criticism of the French going down well, perhaps). Local supporters provided food and drink, overnight accommodation and sometimes company for a bit of the road. In Brighton there was also a meeting and a social under the auspices of the Labour Party left-wing and CND. Hospitality and comforts were appreciated but not without a degree of embarrassment, given that the Labour Party (Wilson's Labour government) and mainstream CND were prime targets of C100 militancy and criticism respectively.

... plus one behind the camera. 
Not quite the full hundred.

Contre Toutes les Bombes

Similar situations, only more so, arose in northern France when some - not all - support came from Communist mayors and local groups, although the C100 had been vociferous in opposing CP influence in CND (and elsewhere), and had even taken the message to Red Square. From arrival in Dieppe, however, the ambiance around the marchers was upbeat and encouraging, almost like a holiday in spite of their seriousness of purpose. Through Normandy to the outskirts of the capital they were surrounded by a fluctuating but by comparison with the English side substantial body of supporters and well-wishers including socialists, anarchists and the MCAA (Mouvement contre les Armaments Atomiques). These variously rallied round with al fresco meals and at least two more elaborate dinners, places to stay - an unoccupied flat, an empty hostel, their own homes - and morale-boosting reinforcement on long stretches of dusty road, frequently rounded off by a "petit tour de la ville", not always a welcome culmination to a tiring day.

On arrival in Dieppe, a walk round the town with French supporters
(the first of many such "tours" in towns en route)

A roadside respite

Il pleut.

(The weather was good most of the way.)

Medals & Mayors

Such a degree of popularity, even if still among a minority, was quite a novelty for the British protest marchers, who were not entirely at ease with it, being mostly of a libertarian persuasion and tending to expend a lot of their political energy on denouncing the traditional left. Some of the French of course shared their views, including a number of young men who were shortly to come up for conscription, and a certain amount of political discussion naturally went on along the way and in the evenings. Walking alongside others who felt strongly enough to make the same protest from a differing viewpoint was not much of a problem either, until their appreciation, if still not uncongenial, began to look like going somewhat over the top. All the same, just as it would have been difficult and discourteous to refuse the "petits tours", it was hardly on the cards to turn down glasses of Pernod and slap-up meals, try to evade the odd champagne reception organised by a communist mayor of a small town, or decline ceremoniously presented souvenirs, notably an ashtray (remember those?) from "Oissel-sur-Seine, la cité des fleurs" and a medal "offert par la ville de Louviers" (no-one had quite got round to getting it inscribed on the back).

A civic welcome frae the toun at Louviers, 
led by the mayor, with great hospitality

On the eve of le quatrorze juillet

At the end of a fortnight's trek, the protest was on schedule to culminate as planned in a calculated attempt to gain maximum publicity with a strictly illegal demonstration down the Champs Elysées, challenging the patriotic fervour building up to the French national day. Up until then there had been few or no hassles from the police, and any opponents among the public had kept their distance. Realising that arrests would become inevitable, the demonstrators delegated one of the British to attend a press conference so that their version of what they were doing and why would be heard, whatever else happened. The rest and a larger number of French, (who of course were risking rather more, especially in the case of intending or actual draft-dodgers), proceeded with the demonstration. They were duly scooped in by the forces of law and order, but in a controlled fashion: "Une à la fois, et sans brutalité", an officer was heard to instruct, no doubt with diplomatic considerations in mind.

An early aerial view of Paris:
Avenue des Champs Elysées leads to the Arc-de-Triomphe (centre)

Not quite a jour de gloire, pas si mal quand même

After a couple of hours spent by the arrestees in a large enough, though bare and overcrowded cage or wild-west-type cell in a police station, another of the British contingent, with about enough knowledge of French to do some interpreting, was summoned to hear their fate. Evidently not wanting to create a set of martyrs or get into international complications, the authorities let them off with a warning that if the offence was repeated, any British who took part would be deported, while the French would have to pay a fine. Since no-one had any ambition to become a martyr and they felt they'd made their point, this was agreed as understood, and the freed protestors returned in modified triumph to the scene of the crime, this time to unwind, reunited with their spokesperson and others. It was not quite all over; a petition against the tests was handed in to the Elysée palace for the attention of the head of state (de Gaulle); it's not known whether he attended to it at all, certainly the tests were far from over.

Accommodation was provided for two of the marchers by this couple in Paris

Thirty years later, the French state embarked on yet another series of nuclear tests in the South Pacific, and found themselves faced with a barrage of opposition from world opinion, on a scale and at a level for which they seemed to be unprepared. The widespread media clamour, diplomatic repercussions, calls for boycotts and mass protests within France and elsewhere contrasted markedly with this small group effort of 1966, perhaps suggesting that the world had moved on in some respects at least. And this time the tests were finally called off.

Previously on this blog:

Fallout from French Nuclear Tests

[nuclear tests, Polynesia, radiation effects, radioactive contamination]

More on 2012 anniversaries: 3. The British state versus anti-nuclear demonstrators in 1962

The OSA (Official Secrets Act) Trial of 1962: Some gleanings from the files

The British state had secured convictions on a charge of conspiracy against four Committee of 100 activists, for organising a demonstration at Wethersfield airbase. Sentences of imprisonment were handed down after a much publicised, patently politically motivated and blatantly unfair ‘show trial with the Attorney-General leading for the prosecution.’.  Reference: ‘The road to Wormwood Scrubs’, chapter 1 in Michael Randle and Pat Pottle, The Blake Escape: How We Freed George Blake and Why, Sphere Books, 1990, pp. 1-18. See also Peter Hain, Political Trials in Britain. Penguin 1985.

National Archives:  HO 291/63  Inadequacy or severity of sentences: Nuclear demonstrators.  [When accessed, this turned out to be a collection of 4 files bound together, under the one reference number]

[Notes from top file as above; the others related to earlier demos and arrests. Comments are those of the file, except when in square brackets]: -

Early Day Motion re. prerogative of mercy, Shinwell et al., 53 signatories. Leader of House declined to find time. Representations from Mrs Joyce Butler re. Helen Allegranza: no grounds for intervention found; no trouble since then as far as this prisoner is concerned.

28-6-62  Recent disturbances outside US air base at Greenham Common.  If prisoners were willing to abstain from illegal action in future, might be right to consider clemency, but no indication that this is the case; question of treatment in prison being pursued separately. House of Lords: Judges unanimous that offence had been proved. A number emphasised sincere motives of prisoners. No fresh grounds on which interference could properly be recommended.

1-7-62  Deputation. Shinwell, Greenwood, Brockway, Butler, Hart. Sir Charles Cunningham,

17/7: Clearly wrong that they should be treated differently; to do so would lend colour to claim that they are in prison for political reasons and form a special category; 4 [2?] of the men already in open prison on application of ordinary rules; Randle and Allegranza are difficult prisoners and it looks as though they would not behave themselves in open conditions.

Times 13-7-62, Law Report for 12/7: "Unconstitutional doctrine" (Devlin) put forward by Attorney General that once it was proved intention was to interfere with a prohibited place Judge should be entitled to direct jury to return Guilty verdict. Question whether nuclear weapons are in country's interests dependent on an infinity of considerations.

4-7-62 Note of Deputations. They referred once more to the "hunger strike" of Mrs Allegranza. 

28/6 Briefing: In early May, Mrs Allegranza was "fasting" as a protest against the resumption by the US govt of nuclear tests and also withdrew her labour; awarded certain punishments by Governor and later by Visiting Cmte.; ended fast on 9th May, no further trouble. [See below]

Re. Greenham Common, interesting note (Times) that C100 had given pledge no attempt would be made to enter base, which may suggest that the "OSA trial" has had salutary effect. Fines, temp courtroom in Newbury; 196 arrests, 4 remanded in custody inc 18-year-old girl who would not give name; 1 Not Guilty; fines £2-£5 + costs / 3gns. [= £3.15p] for obstruction.  If this is raised, offences are not comparable. Trafalgar Sq. meeting planned for 7/7 re demo outside Air ministry on 9/9: to organise breaches of law, so cannot be allowed.  ["Raymond" Chandler on draft, uncorrected]. 

Press reports {on same file]: Guardian, Times.  13/2-21/2: Purpose of action; solidarity, self incrimination (Russell, Redgrave) witnesses Pauling, Watson-Watt, Dr J F King; Air Commodore. Wethersfield demonstrators planning to give themselves up to police on guilty verdict.

PCOM 9/2208 ALLEGRANZA, Helen: member of the `Committee of 100'; at Central Criminal Court (CCC) on 30 January 1962 convicted of conspiracy to commit breach of Official Secrets Act; sentenced to 12 months' imprisonment; died [whilst in after] confinement.  1962-1963

This file reveals the treatment in prison of the only female defendant, and her repeated clashes with the authorities, as well as detailing unsuccessful appeals made on her behalf. Knowledge of the level of support may not have been clear to her as letters to her were withheld  The description (when last seen) incorrectly states that she died in custody; in fact she committed suicide not long after her release.

Scan of covers of a contemporary pamphlet:

Update:
See also chapter in Jeremy Hutchinson's Case Histories: From Lady Chatterley's Lover to Howard Marks - by Thomas Grant (John Murray, 2015; 2016 pbk.)

... YEARS AGO: Some 2012 anniversaries which may escape official notice

70 YEARS AGO: Summer of 1942

Experiments begun on Gruinard – a.k.a. ‘Anthrax’ – Island, close to the north-west coast of Scotland by scientists from Porton Down under the auspices of the British government. The first series of trials was to explore the feasibility of producing lethal effects from an airborne cloud laden with anthrax spores. (It was shown to have "enormous potentialities"). As is now well known, after this and two further series, the Island was rendered unfit for human or animal habitation for decades.

References:

E. A. Willis, 'Contamination and Compensation: Gruinard as a 'Menace to the Mainland', Medicine, Conflict & Survival Vol.20, No. 4, Oct.-Dec 2004, 333-42.

E. A. Willis, Landscape with Dead Sheep: What they did to Gruinard Island', Medicine, Conflict & Survival Vol.18, No.2, April-June 2002, 199-210

60 YEARS AGO: Late Summer 1952

 Britain as WMD pioneer in the 1950s: The Hebridean connection

British government’s biological weapons (BW) experiments continued after the Second World War, with multiple ‘sea trials’ in which organisms for plague and other deadly diseases were tested on animals.

Towards the end of ' Operation Cauldron', in September 1952, a Hull trawler passed through the danger area, near the east coast of the Isle of Lewis, while a toxic cloud was being released ('the Carella incident') .This caused a flurry of near-panic in Whitehall driven by concern with maintaining secrecy at all costs.

References:

B. Balmer. How does an accident become an experiment? Secret science and the exposure of the public to biological warfare agents. Science and Culture, Vol.13, No.2, June 2004, pp.197-228.

 ‘Plague tests were carried out by Ministry of Defence off Lewis’, West Highland Free Press 4 Apr 2003, p.10. <http://www.whfp.com/1614/focus.html>

E. A. Willis, 'Seascape with monkeys and guinea-pigs: Britain's biological weapons research programme, 1948-54', Medicine, Conflict & Survival Vol.19, No.4, October-December 2003, pp.285-302

50 YEARS AGO: The OSA (Official Secrets Act) Trial of 1962

The British state secured convictions on a charge of conspiracy against four Committee of 100 activists, for organising an anti-nuclear  demonstration at Wethersfield airbase. Sentences of imprisonment were handed down after a much publicised, patently politically motivated and blatantly unfair ‘show trial’.  

Reference:

‘The road to Wormwood Scrubs’, chapter 1 in Michael Randle and Pat Pottle, The Blake Escape: How We Freed George Blake and Why, Sphere Books, 1990, pp. 1-18.

WORK IN PROGRESS

More on some or all of the above stories here later, possibly.